2024-03-29T16:02:20Z
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/oai
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3705
2017-02-04T21:41:16Z
politics:ART
Alle origini del liberalismo. Boisguilbert e la questione del commerce des grains
Sebastianelli, Pietro
Between the late Seventeenth and early Eighteenth century, in France, something decisive takes place within the texts that deal with the vexed question of the commerce des grains. This fundamental event, that would revolutionize economic thought, is the publication, in 1707, of Pierre Le Pesant de Boisguilbert’s Traité de la nature, culture, commerce intérêt et des grains. Boisguilbert’s arguments were aimed at supporting the “liberalization” of the commerce des grains. This event, in addition to revolutionizing the grid of constituted knowledge around the economy, would help to open the way for a new form of governmentality. This article describes this event through a comparison with another text published in France in those years, the Traité de la Police by Nicolas Delamare to show how, starting with Boisguilbert, economic thought was transformed into a completely different form of rationality, anticipating what soon would be called “physiocracy”.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-11-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3705
10.6093/2279-7629/3705
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 1 No 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 1 N. 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3705/4067
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3707
2017-02-04T21:41:02Z
politics:ART
Introduzione
Arienzo, Alessandro
Lazzarich, Diego
Negli ultimi due decenni il susseguirsi di crisi economiche e finanziarie ha posto al centro del dibattito internazionale i limiti della politica di fronte alle crisi del sistema capitalistico. La crescente finanziarizzazione dell’economia e le forti capacità di influenza degli attori economici globali sui processi decisionali (dentro e fra gli Stati), ripropongono, inoltre, incessantemente il problema del complesso rapporto tra politica ed economia in questa fase storica. Un rapporto reso ancor più complesso dalla capillare affermazione del sapere economico (il suo lessico, i suoi valori, i suoi principi ordinativi, ma anche le sue istituzioni) quale consolidato sapere di governo e del governo. Tutti questi elementi mostrano il quadro di un’evidente crisi della politica, della sua afasia, della sua incapacità di produrre un linguaggio originale, una visione, un progetto differente rispetto a quello espresso dal discorso economico. Il discorso politico, pur dotato di una propria grammatica e articolazione, appare smarrito, privo di una sua identità, incapace di esprimersi compiutamente e di comprendere il proprio ruolo. In altri termini, se la politica ha preteso di essere il limite alla spinta illimitata dell’economia, e quindi di rappresentare il principio di ordine che separa il privato dal pubblico e il sociale dal politico, oggi è l’economia a rappresentarsi come un limite ineludibile della politica.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2014-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3707
10.6093/2279-7629/3707
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 1 No 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 1 N. 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3707/4070
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3708
2017-02-04T21:41:03Z
politics:ART
Tecnologie dell’informazione e innovazioni della politica: tredici principi ricavabili dalla lezione dei classici sulla stampa
Mori, Luca
Over the past twenty years, the global spread of online social networking and communication tools has inspired a lot of research on the connections between media revolutions and political innovations. Whereas in the twentieth century the question of media effects was mainly investigated in psychological and social research, political philosophers have been increasingly engaged in the current debate. Focusing on the hypothesis according to which innovative information and communication technologies imply premises and promises of a new balance of political power, this article aims to clarify its multidimensional nature from the perspective of some of the classic thinkers on politics, with particular reference to the political and cognitive impact of printing technologies. Though only dealing with ideas that were formulated before the twentieth century, the author identifies some general principles and implications applicable to contemporary research concerning the structural changes in political organizing, that we should expect as outcome of the recent evolution of information and communication technologies.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2014-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3708
10.6093/2279-7629/3708
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 1 No 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 1 N. 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3708/4071
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3709
2017-02-04T21:41:05Z
politics:ART
Alcune considerazioni su hacking ed innovazione politica
Milone, Vittorio
In this article I try to explore some political and social aspects of the so-called hackerethics, such as the possibilities of “bottom-up empowerment”: for instance, I identify somehacking practices that distribute and democratize (bio)political control and are thus able to produce potential political innovation. Therefore, in spite of a socio-political context dominated by “proprietary and obscure” corporate oligopolies, we are still able to observe politically innovative hacking practices such as independent online (plat)forms of hacktivism or open source projects for promoting citizen science, making and biohacking, which can also contribute potential (DIY/bio) political tools of control. Departing from the stereotype of “criminals of the information age”, hackers bring thus an important contribution to emphasize contemporary key issues such as the right to access a free flow of information, the openness and transparency of institutional and technological systems, the creative passion for sharing innovation and knowledge through their practices.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2014-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3709
10.6093/2279-7629/3709
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 1 No 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 1 N. 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3709/4072
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3710
2017-02-04T21:41:06Z
politics:ART
Democrazia deliberativa e superamento dei conflitti. Dalla teoria alla pratica
Caprio, Dario Alberto
The number of conflicts between citizens and institutions is increasing, especially concerning the choices that are to be made in terms of infrastructure. The article aims at highlighting the link between the dynamics of conflict and those of participation, stressing how the lack of public information and the absence of participation and inclusion in the decision-making process are the main causes of the opposition put in place by the so-called NIMBY phenomenon. Furthermore, the definitions of the concept of participatory democracy and, above all, deliberative democracy, are developed, focusing on some of the most important theoretical references, and analyzing two particularly relevant instances in relation to deliberative processes within the Italian territory: that of the municipality of Ponte Buggianese (PT), which, making use of the regional law’s effects on participation (l.r. Toscana n . 69/2007), has developed a decision-making process regarding the development of the Padule di Fucecchio, and that of Ponente di Genova’s Gronda Autostradale
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2014-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3710
10.6093/2279-7629/3710
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 1 No 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 1 N. 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3710/4073
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3711
2017-02-04T21:41:07Z
politics:ART
Politica e innovazione nel conservatorismo “scettico” di Michael Oakeshott
Pupo, Spartaco
This paper provides an overview of Oakeshott’s vision of the innovation in politics within his doctrine of political conservatism. Against any rationalist conception of innovation as change produced by a “dream of perfection”, Oakeshott’s idea of innovation is part of a skeptical conception of political power that assigns relevance to the continuity of tradition and prevents inventions, sudden changes, intellectual vagaries and theoretical whims. For Oakeshott, the conservative disposition in politics rejects induced and unnatural changes because it treats them as a deprivation of the things that it has deeply enjoyed. Hence the preference of conservative politicians for a slow and gradual change, imposed by contingency, that aims to preserve the cultural identity and the social and institutional order. The paper concludes with a comparison on the theme of innovation between the Oakeshott’s political skepticism and the position of the most influential conservative thinkers of the twentieth century.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2014-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3711
10.6093/2279-7629/3711
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 1 No 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 1 N. 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3711/4074
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3712
2017-02-04T21:41:08Z
politics:ART
Rappresentanza politica e populismo: alcune riflessioni
Chiantera-Stutte, Patricia
Populism is among the most controversial and debated contemporary political issues. The definition of populism itself is inherently problematic because of its indeterminacy. Populism seems to be a contemporary phenomena, being strongly dependent from political propaganda and mass communication media. The question concerning the regressive nature of populism can thus be stated within the broader issue of the relation between populism and democracy. In fact, when populism is investigated, it appears necessary to consider its relation with those political forces that place themselves within the political project of representative government, as well as in relation with the theme of democracy itself. In our perspective, in order to define populism it is not sufficient to question its relation with leftist or right wing political parties, or with progressive and reactionary political forces: instead, we deem necessary to trace its inner links with democracy itself, i.e. with that historical political form characterizing, according to Tocqueville, western world from the American revolution onward.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2014-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3712
10.6093/2279-7629/3712
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 1 No 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 1 N. 1 (2014): Innovare la Politica
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3712/4075
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3713
2017-02-04T21:41:26Z
politics:ART
Introduzione
Lazzarich, Diego
Vinale, Adriano
Il 28 luglio 1914, in Europa prese avvio ufficialmente uno scontro armato destinato a cambiare per sempre il futuro del mondo, nonché il concetto stesso di guerra.Iniziata in modo circoscritto, in pochi giorni la guerra si estese rapidamente fino a coinvolgere 28 Paesi ed ampliare il proprio raggio d’azione a quasi tutto il mondo. Alla fine delle ostilità, l’11 novembre 1918, il conflitto si sarebbe mostrato agli storici in tutte le sue dimensioni di “grande guerra”, lasciando sul campo circa 8 milioni di vittime e 20 milioni di feriti tra i militari, nonché circa 7 milioni di civili morti per azioni militari o per le conseguenze.Mai nel corso della storia un conflitto armato aveva provocato tanta morte e distruzione in così poco tempo. Dallo sviluppo di nuove e più distruttive tecnologie belliche, all’applicazione di una nuova capacità organizzativa mobilitante che trasformò, come osservò Ernst Jünger, la guerra da parziale a totale, tutto nella Prima guerra mondiale contribuì a determinare un evento senza precedenti destinato – come hanno sottolineato storici quali George L. Mosse e Antonio Gibelli – a modificare profondamente il panorama culturale, politico e mentale dell’Europa novecentesca.A 100 anni di distanza dall’inizio della Prima guerra mondiale, Politics intende ricordare quel tragico momento della storia mondiale in modo ‘indiretto’ ovvero raccogliendo riflessioni che lascino emergere come la Grande guerra abbia influenzato la produzione del pensiero politico negli anni successivi; di come, in pratica, l’eco della guerra abbia condizionato in maniera sostanziale le più svariate riflessioni politiche degli anni e decenni successivi.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-05
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3713
10.6093/2279-7629/3713
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 2 No 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 2 N. 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3713/4077
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3714
2017-02-04T21:41:27Z
politics:ART
The world must be made safe for democracy. Woodrow Wilson e la prima guerra mondiale
Bottaro, Giuseppe
Woodrow Wilson was elected President of the United States in 1912. His famous program The New Freedom was not focused on foreign policy, however, the years of his presidency were inevitably dominated by international events, ranging from the atrocities of World War I to the Paris Peace Conference. Democratic internationalism, theorized by Wilson in a systematic way towards the end of the Great War, will become a prevalent model in the United States international politics throughout the next century. Wilson’s strong commitment to international relations, albeit hoping to devote himself entirely to the resolution of internal problems, makes his presidency still remembered nowadays as the one that consciously and definitively consecrated the American nation to the role of main protagonist of international politics.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-05
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3714
10.6093/2279-7629/3714
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 2 No 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 2 N. 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3714/4078
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3715
2017-02-04T21:41:29Z
politics:ART
Pace e guerra nel pensiero di Max Scheler
Castelli, Alberto
The inception of World War I produced enthusiastic reactions all over Europe, for different and sometimes opposite reasons, from intellectuals and political leaders beloinging to very differentiated political areas. The five years that followed the summer of 1914, with their unbearable weight of destruction and extermination, delivered a very strong reply to that enthusiasm, and sparked a new set of reflections on political violence and on the value of peace. Max Scheler participated in both the season of exhilaration, in 1914-1915, and in the difficult process of post-war reinterpretation of political violence, in the 1920s. Tracing certain aspects of Scheler’s intellectual and political elaborations is therefore useful to understand part of the complex cultural legacy of the conflict.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-05
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3715
10.6093/2279-7629/3715
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 2 No 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 2 N. 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3715/4079
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3716
2017-02-04T21:41:30Z
politics:ART
The National Heroes’ Monument in Budapest. A case study for World War I memorials as symbolic-political venues for interaction between politics and the masses
Harlov, Melinda
The paper introduces the World War I memorials in Hungary within the historiographical framework of the ‘memory boom’. It discusses the artistic sources that were used in their formation, their characteristics and types. Special attention is paid to the description of their role as a communication tool in the hands of contemporary politics. Brief overview concentrating on legal requirements and on elements of the commemoration acts provides a historical and social background for the case study. The center memorial that still exists in the capital of Hungary, is analyzed thoroughly with detailed descriptions and contextualization. The three phases of the National Heroes’ Monument can be seen as the three sections of Hungarian history in 20th century, and an artistic realization of the contemporary power’s message about the given section of the past. At the end, the author places the paper’s topic into the scholarly discourse of nation building, by adapting the notion of imagined community of Anderson, Calhoun and Finlayson.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-05
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3716
10.6093/2279-7629/3716
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 2 No 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 2 N. 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3716/4080
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3717
2017-02-04T21:41:33Z
politics:ART
La guerra come strumento di emancipazione di un popolo. Il caso del Sardismo
Nasone, Antonello
The end of the Great War for many Sardinian intellectuals is an opportunity for a rebirth of the island. The “Movimento dei Combattenti” would emerge as a political force and as a mass-based party. It would therefore have characteristics unique to the rest of Italy, including the theme of autonomy and emphasizing the differences from the rest of Italy. This paper does not propose a simple narration of events, but to define and to criticize sardismo in its key concepts and in the main works of its most important promoters such as Deffenu, Pilia and Bellieni. The weltanschauung that supports is varied and includes: a Marxist analysis of revolutionary syndicalism, the mythology of the origins, genuine political will to be able to make its entry in the History emerging in the State.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-05
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3717
10.6093/2279-7629/3717
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 2 No 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 2 N. 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3717/4083
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3718
2017-02-04T21:41:31Z
politics:ART
Gli sviluppi del nazionalismo arabo come eredità della Prima Guerra Mondiale
Stegagno, Carlotta
This paper aims to analyze how WWI affected the political environment in the Middle East. Geographically speaking, it focuses on the Bilad al-Sham region, a section of Fertile Crescent that can be named as the birthplace of Arab Nationalism. During the end of the XIX Century, an Arab awareness begins to arise in the Middle East, mainly troughout the political and economic links and relations between Europe and Ottoman Empire. This Arab feeling develops into Arab nationalism after and as a consequence of it. The issue is analyzed at both the historical and ideological levels: along with the analysis of the main historical events during WWI that contribute to the rise of Arab nationalism, such as the Skyes-Picot agreements and the Arab Revolt, the paper focuses also on the ideology of Sati al-Husri, one of the main ideologues of Arab nationalism.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-05
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3718
10.6093/2279-7629/3718
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 2 No 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 2 N. 2 (2014): La guerra dopo la guerra. Riflessioni sull’eredità della Prima guerra mondiale
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3718/4081
Copyright (c) 2015 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3790
2017-02-04T21:41:10Z
politics:ART
Introduzione
Cassina, Cristina
Lazzarich, Diego
Filippini, Michele
L’ultimo ventennio del XX secolo è al centro di questo numero ‘doppio’1 di Politics. Rivista di studi politici. La scelta di indagare gli anni ’80 e ’90 parte anzitutto dalla constatazione di un vuoto, di una debolezza storiografica, di ricerca politica e teorica, rispetto alle trasformazioni avvenute in quegli anni. Una mancanza per certi versi sorprendente se si considera la numerosità e rilevanza dei fatti storici e delle tensioni teoriche che in quell’arco temporale si sono succedute. Tra le quali il ruolo di Ronald Reagan nella promozione di una nuova fase di politica economica e di cultura edonistico-consumistica strettamente legata a una politica dei desideri; il forte impatto politico-sociale delle politiche conservatrici di Margaret Thatcher in Gran Bretagna; l’avvento e il successivo fallimento della ‘Perestroika’ in U.R.S.S.; l’affermazione del Postmoderno; l'esaurirsi del modello fordista e le sue conseguenze politiche;l’emergere del pensiero debole; il mutamento della funzione della N.A.T.O. nel nuovo assetto geopolitico nel passaggio da un decennio all’altro; i nuovi modi di pensare la politica – in termini di organizzazione o gestione del dissenso – in seguito all’esplosione negli anni ’90 del World Wide Web; la diffusione delle teorie della governabilità e della governance; l’affermazione del Postumano come nuovo paradigma teorico; l’ampio stimolo alla teoria critica e alla teorizzazione di nuove categorie politiche proveniente dalla pubblicazione delle lezioni di Michel Foucault al Collège de France; la profonda mutazione nel panorama politico italiano determinata dalla fine della cosiddetta ‘Prima Repubblica’ e la nascita del berlusconismo.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3790
10.6093/2279-7629/3790
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 3 No 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 3 N. 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3790/4239
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3791
2017-02-04T21:41:11Z
politics:ART
L’Italia tra due “sistemi politici”
Bonini, Francesco
The institutional and political transition of the early ’90s, commonly termed “the end of the First Republic”, imposed a radical change in political cleavages underlying the Italian party system. The affirmation of a bipolar and majoritarian electoral process, despite its imperfection, characterized the so-called “Second Republic” up to the most recent electoral crisis in 2013. In this article, the changes in political and ideological cleavages accompanying the shifts in the Italian party system between the late ’80s and the early ’90s are discussed in order to understand the reasons for the current difficulties in the institutional reform process. Such changes are also discussed by taking into account European politics as an “external constraint” for the Italian political system.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3791
10.6093/2279-7629/3791
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 3 No 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 3 N. 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3791/4240
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3792
2017-02-04T21:41:12Z
politics:ART
Coming in from the Cold. Gli Stati Uniti d’America e la promozione della democrazia: dalla Guerra Fredda al nuovo millennio
Badella, Alessandro
Democracy promotion – or democracy assistance – has always represented a fil rouge in U.S. foreign policy. At least since the beginning of the 20th century, the United States has used such issue in its global and regional agenda. Despite during the Cold War the quest for national and international security in a bipolar world system restricted the role of democracy promotion as an autonomous feature in US foreign policy, since the ’90s the promotion of democracy has been growing steadily. In fact, democracy promotion became a distinguishing feature in both the “Clinton doctrine” and George W. Bush’s foreign policy after the 9\11 attacks. Although, under Obama, US democracy promotion has experienced a consistent re-orientation, it has not disappeared from the US global agenda. This article aims to show the evolution of US democracy promotion, in particular from the Cold War bipolar world to the multipolar system of the 21th century: from both a theoretical and practical perspective, democracy promotion has gone through different phases and evolutions but it is still vividly alive within US foreign policy.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3792
10.6093/2279-7629/3792
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 3 No 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 3 N. 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3792/4241
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3793
2017-02-04T21:41:14Z
politics:ART
L’Afrique subsaharienne entre décolonisation et néocolonialisme. Débat sur l’ingérence politique, économique et culturelle de l’Ouest à la fin du XXe siècle
Lepre, Domenico
The quest for a distinctly African knowledge has generated a lively debate among African intellectuals since the 1980s, becoming the focus of a discussion about the possibility of a real cultural decolonization. The importance of these studies does not lay in the historical reconstruction and analysis of the different forms of colonial and post-colonial rule, but in their pursuit of a true epistemological rupture. During the last two decades of the 20th century, these issues became prevalent due to the institutionalization of political and economic interference by the West. This interference laid out new processes of subjectivation/objectification of the “blackness” in a world of values, norms and symbols established by the “whiteness”.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3793
10.6093/2279-7629/3793
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 3 No 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 3 N. 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
2279-7629
fra
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3793/4243
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3794
2017-02-04T21:41:15Z
politics:ART
Il nazionalismo radicale nell'Ucraina post-sovietica
Forti, Andrea
By enabling greater freedom of expression to the soviet civil society, Gorbachev's perestrojka caused the re-emergence of radical nationalist movements among soviet nationalities. In Ukraine these radical movements, though born in a typically post soviet social and cultural environment, drew inspiration from movements and thinkers deeply influenced by European fascism and the right wing radicalism of the first half of the twentieth century. Radical right wing nationalism in post soviet Ukraine, a minority opposed to both pro-Russian and national-democratic currents of Ukrainian mainstream political life, played no role in national independence and in the events of the first two decades of independence, including the “Orange Revolution” of 2004. The bloody events of Euromajdan and the following war in Ukraine's Donbass between pro-Ukrainians and pro-Russian separatists created an opportunity for these radical movements to play a greater political and paramilitary role and to take advantage of the renewed patriotic spirit.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-06-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3794
10.6093/2279-7629/3794
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 3 No 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 3 N. 1 (2015): “80s & 90s. Per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3794/4244
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3795
2017-02-04T21:41:18Z
politics:ART
Gli studi di Ragion di Stato negli ultimi due decenni del ventesimo secolo: motivazioni e considerazioni critiche
Borrelli, Gianfranco
The expression “Reason of State” belongs to the language and the political culture of the late Renaissance period. Still today this expression is commonly used to mean recourse to force or, to exceptional instruments on the part of a subject holding political power who acts out of the need to keep personal command and to guarantee law and order within society. Raison d'État, Ragion di Stato, Razon de Estado, Staatsräson: from the end of the sixteenth century onwards, the various European languages translate this expression, with the intention of applying the meanings which it contains to the particular regional situations. The article presents the reasons and the relevance of a series of studies published between the ’80s and the ’90s that marked a new sensibility toward Reason of State, diverging from the classic definition by Friedrich Meinecke of Ration status as machtsstaat. The apparent crisis of democratic societies and the changing role of the State in the post ’89 global order are two of the main feature of a historiographical and intellectual effort to understand the politics of globalization.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3795
10.6093/2279-7629/3795
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 4 No 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 4 N. 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3795/4231
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3796
2017-02-04T21:41:19Z
politics:ART
Conservatorismo, liberalismo e ideologia. Per una lettura del thatcherismo
Masala, Antonio
This study examines Thatcherism as an attempt to change the values and the political culture of the United Kingdom using economy as a tool. From the perspective of political theory this specific case arouses great interest and the different elements that made this transformation possible, in particular the “battle of ideas” and the role of political leadership, should be examined with great care. Thatcherism offers new perspectives to interpret conservatism and liberalism, and to reshape these political theories in order to address a series of new problems. This analysis presents some observations about the relationship between political theory and ideology and between market and democratic theory. Finally, Thatcherism is analysed using the concept of biopolitics elaborated by Foucault.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3796
10.6093/2279-7629/3796
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 4 No 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 4 N. 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3796/4233
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3797
2017-02-04T21:41:21Z
politics:ART
Oltre le ideologie? Valori, pragmatismo e depoliticizzazione nell’esperienza del New Labour
Busso, Sandro
The 1997 electoral success of Tony Blair’s New Labour can be seen as the symbolic conclusion of the debate on political ideologies that had developed in the UK and Western Europe during the ’80s and the ’90s, and that intensified after 1989. The “post-ideological” approach that underpinned the Third Way model introduced a strong emphasis on policy outcomes and effectiveness, which have gradually replaced values and ideologies in legitimizing governmental action. The article focuses on this aspect of the political experience of the NL, engaging in an analysis of the political discourse developed in the UK at the end of the 90s. The analysis highlights the contradictions in the experience of the NL. In fact, the attempt to move beyond ideologies appears to be a rhetorical instrument rather than a real transformation. However, the Third way model marked an important turning point in the definition of political legitimation strategies, the effects of which are clearly visible in the political discourses of European political parties in the years after the rise of the NL.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3797
10.6093/2279-7629/3797
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 4 No 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 4 N. 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3797/4234
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3798
2017-02-04T21:41:22Z
politics:ART
Dalla critica dell’economia politica alla critica della politica: Althusser, Luporini, Laclau e il “political turn” del pensiero critico contemporaneo
Marchesi, Francesco
The post-marxism of Ernesto Laclau has a prehistory. One of the most relevant genealogical lines, as important at least as the wittgensteinian and derridean lines, is the link with the philosophy of Louis Althusser. Althusser’s reformulation of the statute of the political in its relationship with the economic sphere, during the ’60’s and the 70’s, is recognized and discussed in Italy by Cesare Luporini: some notes from his copies of Althusser’s Pour Marx and his indirect answer to Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses are relevant to an analysis of this dialogue. Laclau in the 80’s increased the separation, opened by Althusser, with the Marxist concept of politics, from the notion of the economic sphere as a “last instance”, to an autonomy of politics that establishes the basis, in a common direction with other philosophical traditions, for the “political turn” of contemporary radical thought.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3798
10.6093/2279-7629/3798
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 4 No 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 4 N. 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3798/4235
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3799
2017-02-04T21:41:23Z
politics:ART
Patriarcato e femminismi postcoloniali
Persano, Paola
The announcement of the death of patriarchy marked, in the second half of the Nineties in Italy, the birth of a “feminism of difference” that has re-emerged in the past ten years in a completely changed national and international context. The issue has now gone way beyond national borders. Postcolonial criticism to the universal subject, on the one hand, and to mainstream feminism, on the other, testifies to the explanatory power of patriarchy, caught at the intersection with capitalism (and its crisis) and the many forms of contemporary social domination, with sexism and colonialism – material and metaphoric –, with the dynamics of production and reproductive choices, psychological structures and cultural stereotypes. Thus, investigating the horizon of postcolonial feminisms, as a system of theories and epistemological and cultural practices that are “re-oriented” also through the lens of patriarchy, seems now the less obvious way to challenge our time in transformation through a “gender oriented” approach.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3799
10.6093/2279-7629/3799
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 4 No 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 4 N. 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3799/4237
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3800
2017-02-04T21:41:25Z
politics:ART
Appunti sulla transizione democratica dell’89
Ruocco, Gianni
The concept of transition has been a strategic tool to explain and give political foundation to 1989. Using it to characterize in real-time that period of history, historiography (following political science) has built a formidable key to understanding and regulating the present and the future: the transition of post-communist societies towards liberal-democratic regimes is thus shown as – more than a simple process or the origin of a set of processes – a unitary and global fact, historically necessary. Through analysis of its application to history, the essay reflects on the politically active function performed by the concept around ’89, with its intrinsic ambiguities and epistemic fragility. The function, fundamentally rhetoric and persuasive of that model, however, has already appeared evident immediately after ’89, especially in the profound differences in timing, manner and content highlighted by the processes of socio-institutional transformation in several countries in transition; the result has been the questioning of political transitological science itself. Nevertheless, today that representation retains again all of its strength in public discourse.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2015-12-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3800
10.6093/2279-7629/3800
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 4 No 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 4 N. 2 (2015): “80s & 90s (per una mappa di concetti, pratiche e pensatori politici)”
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3800/4238
Copyright (c) 2016 Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3977
2017-02-04T22:08:59Z
politics:ART
Editorial/Introduzione
Cariello, Marta
Chambers, Iain
Il Mediterraneo è un’entità spettrale per la “Modernità” europea; è il suo rovescio irrazionale che porta con sé il disordine, la violazione dei confini, i fantasmi del colonialismo e un richiamo perturbante a un’antichità mitica e gloriosa. Questa complessa figurazione culturale, a lungo relegata dalla narrazione della Modernità a fantasie romantiche e orientaliste di opulenza e irrazionalità, oppure a esempi riprovevoli di corruzione e arretratezza, è recentemente divenuta il fulcro molto visibile e inevitabile dell’attenzione e dell’azione politica, con le strategie militari, umanitarie e culturali di securitizzazione messe in atto lungo i confini europei a fronte della crescente pressione delle migrazioni e dei conflitti disseminati nel Medio Oriente.Le tragedie che oggi si consumano nelle acque del Mediterraneo e il concomitante riassestamento delle politiche sociali e culturali in Europa richiedono una discussione urgente sugli usi e sui significati delle “crisi umanitarie”, sulle (connesse) politiche identitarie, limitate e restrittive, prodotte dal nazionalismo moderno, e sulla stessa politica identitaria europea. Leggere lo spazio mediterraneo come una molteplicità di “località composite”, riconoscendo allo stesso tempo che esso “esemplifica gli schemi globali di incontro condiviso, colonialismo e ambizione imperiale” (Chambers), significa occuparsi dei diversi livelli di riflessione politica e culturale necessari per aprire il campo all’instabilità delle visioni critiche. Arjun Appadurai, di cui parafrasiamo per questo numero della rivista il titolo del saggio Modernità in polvere, parla dell’insostenibilità delle narrazioni nazionali, sostituite da ciò che lo studioso chiama “sfere pubbliche diasporiche”. È questo uno dei possibili modi di pensare oggi il Mediterraneo: uno spazio dell’immaginario in cui le diaspore hanno creato e creano narrazioni multiple di appartenenza culturale e di identità politiche, radicate in una mappa di incontri condivisi e violenza coloniale.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3977
10.6093/2279-7629/3977
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
eng
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3977/4557
Copyright (c) 2016 Marta Cariello, Iain Chambers
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/3978
2017-02-04T22:09:00Z
politics:ART
Mediterranean: Coloniality, Migration and Decolonial Practices
Cazzato, Luigi
The aim of this essay is to examine the connection, on the one hand, between discursive formations like Mediterraneanism, Meridionism and “coloniality of power”, on the other, between these and the present un/walling of the Mediterranean. The migration question is now offering a historical chance to Southern Europe/Northern Mediterranean to distance itself from the imperium of the colonial matrix of power set by Euro-modernity and to refuse to merely become the patrolling army of Fortress Europe. Present-day ethics and practice of Mediterranean hospitality, as exemplified by the Southern radical bishop Tonino Bello, the journalist-blogger and film director Gabriele Del Grande and the activists of “The Charter of Lampedusa” (stating the rights and liberties of migrants) seem to be part of a decolonial strategy that aims at rejecting such a role.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3978
10.6093/2279-7629/3978
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
eng
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3978/4558
Copyright (c) 2016 Luigi Cazzato
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/3979
2017-02-04T22:09:00Z
politics:ART
L’istituzione del porto franco in un Mediterraneo senza frontiere
Iodice, Antonio
The free port has played a primary role in the Modern Age Mediterranean economic policy. In order to give a boost to the local economy, favourable regulations to the arrival and rapid integration of foreigners within the pre-existing socio-economic environment were established. In the Mediterranean ports – namely Genoa, Leghorn, Marseille, Trieste and Fiume, Messina, Nice, etc. – a great number of ship owners, vendors, simple traders or salesmen, together with their relatives, house helpers and employees used therefore to arrive. They moved there whilst maintaining tight relations with their motherlands. The local élites, scared of losing their power, opposed these ventures. It is possible to pinpoint and single out a few common elements in the regulation of these ports, which appealed to the contemporaries, and thanks to which social, cultural, linguistic and political barriers were being shattered. What stands out from this analysis is an image of a dynamic and open-minded Mediterranean and Europe.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3979
10.6093/2279-7629/3979
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3979/4560
Copyright (c) 2016 Antonio Iodice
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/3980
2017-02-04T22:09:01Z
politics:ART
Force Fields between Libya and Italy: Camps, Air Power and Baroque Geopolitics Challenging the Geography of the Mediterranean
Miele, Caterina
From 1911 to 2011, the Mediterranean space between Libya and Italy has been the scenario of crucial historical events: the colonial war and the anti-colonial resistance, the decolonization, the rise of Gaddafi’s regime, his banishment and rehabilitation, finally his fall and the securitization of the Mediterranean passage. Through an historical ethnography of the postcolonial pact between Libya and Italy (oil-for-borders), with a particular focus on the role of migration management, on the relationship between internal borders and aerial spaces and on the colonial genealogy of humanitarian camps, I would suggest that the current grammars of exclusion and of subversion within the Mediterranean do not respond to any binary (neo)colonial logic. Many different subjectivities are fragmenting and relocating borders and the Mediterranean appears as a multi-crossed political space able to shape the relation between the countries that lie on its shores as well as the representation of the past.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3980
10.6093/2279-7629/3980
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
eng
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3980/4561
Copyright (c) 2016 Caterina Miele
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/3981
2017-02-04T22:09:02Z
politics:ART
Tunisia’s Endangered Exception: History at Large in the Southern Mediterranean
Burgeja, Norbert
This article explores some facets of the relation between Tunisia’s post-independence political bequeathals and the legacy of a political memory that, today, is being sabotaged and rendered fugitive, not least through the acts of terror that have recently hit the country and crippled its tourist economy. Arguing that Tunisia’s democratic trajectories are at stake today and risk being “orphaned” of their history of reformist precedents accrued over the past one hundred and fifty years, the author reflects on the current political state of play in Tunisia and makes a case for a restored dialectic of interchange with specific luminary tenets of Tunisia’s latenineteenth and early-twentieth century enlightenment movement. The engendering of political subjectivities in post-revolutionary Tunisia and the piecing together of its multifaceted national imaginary require today what Balibar would term a «differentiation» of the change towards a non-despotic democratisation brought about in 2011.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3981
10.6093/2279-7629/3981
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
eng
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3981/4562
Copyright (c) 2016 Norbert Burgeja
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/3982
2017-02-04T22:09:03Z
politics:ART
“Dividuous waves of Greece:” Hellenism between Empire and Revolution
Zeniou, Simos
This article proposes a reading of P. B. Shelley’s lyrical drama Hellas as a critical encounter with early nineteenth century philhellenic discourse. This reading challenges, therefore, the still prevalent understanding of Shelley as an archetypal idealizing philhellenist. By reading Hellas in the context of Shelley’s manifold engagements with classical and modern Greece and by examining the subversive deployment of the “westering” theme in the lyrical parts of the work, I argue: 1) that Shelley draws attention to the appropriation of Hellenism by hegemonic political and cultural discourses of the period and to its entanglement with imperial politics; 2) that the chorus’s gradual recognition of the historical situatedness of its discourse simultaneously resists its wholesale subsumption under Eurocentric universalism and retains a utopian, future-oriented Hellenism as a guide for radical politics.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3982
10.6093/2279-7629/3982
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
eng
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3982/4563
Copyright (c) 2016 Simos Zeniou
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/3983
2017-02-04T22:09:04Z
politics:ART
Othering the Mediterranean in E. M. Forster’s Italian Novels: A Levinasian Perspective
Lipska, Aneta
In order to put the current challenges faced by the Mediterranean into perspective, this article discusses the cultural aspects of the othering of Italy by the English at the turn of the 19th century. This issue is illustrated by Edward Morgan Forster’s Italian novels – Where Angels Fear to Tread (1905) and A Room with a View (1908) – and the analysis is supported by Emmanuel Levinas’s philosophy of alterity, with glances at Edward Said’s and Homi K. Bhabha’s approaches to the problem of otherness. The interpersonal relation between Levinasian same and other has been transposed here to international relations. It is demonstrated that the characters of Forster’s novels represent the challenging endeavors of the English at handling the "strangeness" of Italy. The consequences of this encounter point to the need for more human relations between nations, in which they would go beyond political borders and offer their neighbours welcome and hospitality.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3983
10.6093/2279-7629/3983
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
eng
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3983/4564
Copyright (c) 2016 Aneta Lipska
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3984
2017-02-04T22:09:05Z
politics:ART
Coproducing Nostalgia across the Mediterranean: Visions of the Jewish-Muslim Past in French-Tunisian Cinema
Watson, Robert J.
In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution that in turn launched the Arab Spring popular uprisings, the previous support of Jews of Tunisian origin living in France for the Ben Ali dictatorship prompted a new level of engagement with Tunisian politics. This article examines the collaboration between Jewish and Muslim writers and filmmakers that created a series of nostalgic films depicting the country’s “exceptional” cosmopolitan past. Analyzing Nouri Bouzid’s Homme de cendres (1986), Férid Boughedir’s Un été à la Goulette (1996) and Villa Jasmin (2007), and Lucie Cariès’s Bon baisers de la Goulette (2007), these films critique the contemporary discourse depicting Jews and Muslims as eternal enemies. Shifting the burden of conflict away from indigenous Tunisians, they show French colonialism and/or the IsraeliArab wars as exogenous factors that undermined the inherent harmony of a shared Mediterranean past. Regardless of the veracity of these narratives, the article questions the limits and constraints of such nostalgic discourse to address present Jewish-Muslim dynamics in France and beyond.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3984
10.6093/2279-7629/3984
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
eng
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3984/4565
Copyright (c) 2016 Robert J. Watson
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3985
2017-02-04T22:09:06Z
politics:ART
I porti del Mediterraneo: mondi sociali e spazi di frontiera
Masciopinto, Michele Claudio D.
The Mediterranean is a place crossed by many stories and life experiences. In this regard, this study proposes the analysis of port cities as social spaces marked by the constant flow of people, objects, ideas and meanings. The continuous contact with specific issues such as immigration, safety and security of travelers, economic development and identity crisis of sea communities makes port cities a kind of social laboratory where is possible analyze theories, methodologies and reflections on the contemporary Mediterranean. Maritime cities share the same fate as their ports, and are still able to communicate the voices, the memories and the knowledge of the Mediterranean to stimulate and increase the thoughts and socio-political theories of this great arena of discussion and meeting.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3985
10.6093/2279-7629/3985
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3985/4566
Copyright (c) 2016 Michele Claudio D. Masciopinto
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/3986
2017-02-04T22:09:07Z
politics:ART
Mediterranei italiani. Il Mediterraneo nelle scritture di viaggio dell’Italia preunitaria
Serafini, Elisabetta
In the Mediterranean of the Nineteenth century the Italian peninsula seems to have played a marginal role, in which the political fragmentation did not help. Starting from the unification, the numerous studies that tried to rebuild the Italian presence beyond national borders have emphasized that the Italians who crossed the ancient seawater in those sixty years were mostly exiles, escaping conservative persecution. In these cases not only men travelled, but also ideas. But those studies also tried to build Italy's Mediterranean history – of which the “excellent” nineteenth-century migrations had been key steps – with the aim of legitimizing the Italian presence in the mare nostrum. Looking at the Peninsula’s Mediterranean perspective, this essay wants to investigate – through travel writings – in what terms that space was experienced by the travellers before the unification.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3986
10.6093/2279-7629/3986
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3986/4567
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3987
2017-02-04T22:09:08Z
politics:ART
Lampedusa: scritture oltre la cenere
Carotenuto, Silvana
The paper reads some creative renderings of the migratory events taking place in the contemporary Mediterranean: Les Clandestines by Youssouf Amin Elalamy (2000), Trilogia del Naufragio by Lina Prosa (2013), with a reference to the video-installation Asmat–Nomi by Dagmawi Yimer (2015). Its main concern is the question of testimony, assuming the critical stand that writing participates to the witnessing of the tragic destinies of migration today by proving its own engagement in poetry and evocation. Narration, theatre and visuality become the loci of a personal and collective involvement that opens up spaces for the elaboration of human suffering and mourning, and together, for the respect of alterity that promises the advent of a different future. “Difference” comes on the stage of the article’s writing through the Derridean deconstruction of the holocaust and its ashes.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3987
10.6093/2279-7629/3987
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3987/4568
Copyright (c) 2016 Silvana Carotenuto
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/3988
2017-02-04T21:41:34Z
politics:ART
Mixed Identity (artist’s statement)
Mixed Identity (artist’s statement)
Team, Victoria
Pot painting is my hobby. However, I am a mother of five, four of whom are still living with me, and I have a difficult time keeping up with my day to day household and professional activities. I frequently carry the image of my future artwork in my mind for years. My artwork, Mixed identity vase, was a self-reflection of my mixed background. Sewn together the Greek key and the Ukrainian cross-stitch parts of the heart represent mixed Greek-Ukrainian identity. Bleeding represents painful experiences related to the attempts to get closer to and to be accepted by either of these communities.
Pot painting is my hobby. However, I am a mother of five, four of whom are still living with me, and I have a difficult time keeping up with my day to day household and professional activities. I frequently carry the image of my future artwork in my mind for years. My artwork, Mixed identity vase, was a self-reflection of my mixed background. Sewn together the Greek key and the Ukrainian cross-stitch parts of the heart represent mixed Greek-Ukrainian identity. Bleeding represents painful experiences related to the attempts to get closer to and to be accepted by either of these communities.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2016-07-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3988
10.6093/2279-7629/3988
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 5 No 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 5 N. 1 (2016): Mediterraneo in polvere / Mediterranean at Large
2279-7629
eng
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/3988/4569
Copyright (c) 2016 Victoria Team
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/5207
2017-09-23T10:25:58Z
politics:ART
On the expression «Li òmini in universali iudicano più alli occhi che alle mani»: an Alternative Reading of Chapter 18 in The Prince
Polegato, Andrea
This article clarifies the meaning of a key passage contained in Machiavelli’s The Prince (1513), chapter 18: «li òmini in universali iudicano più alli occhi che alle mani» («Men in general judge more by their eyes than by their hands») by linking it to Machiavelli’s early administrative letters where the image of the eyes and hands is often employed. While most scholars and translators agree that «eyes» and «hands» refer to «men» who judge, in the letters the handsnever belong to the judge but, rather, to the judged. Following this alternative interpretation, it is possible to appreciate the provoking originality showed by Machiavelli in turning upside down the context in which this image was usually employed. The Florentine secretary does not adopt the point of view of those who may be the potential victims of a deception (the judges) in order to warn them, as it used to be in the letters, but rather he writes in order to advise thedeceiver (the judged). The comparison with the technical use of the image in the letters also helps to identify those few who «feel who [the prince] is». They are not the virtuous or smart men who are able to expose the prince’s ruses but rather his victims.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2017-07-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5207
10.6093/2279-7629/5207
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 6 No 2 (2016); 1-18
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 6 N. 2 (2016); 1-18
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5207/5827
Copyright (c) 2017 Andrea Polegato
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/5208
2017-09-23T10:25:59Z
politics:ART
Cartografia politica delle passioni: le istituzioni repubblicane in Saint-Just
Di Mino, Vincenzo
Among the many figures emerging from the controversies surrounding the French Revolution, the name and work of Saint-Just are often forgotten. Discussing the relationship between political theory and political practice, his thought was characterized by a constant attention to connecting social needs within new decision-making arrangements, according to the movements and the divisions occurring within society. The self-governing tendency of society isa key focus, leading to the overcoming of laws, in favor of a downward distribution of powers: the institutions are spaces of connection between desires, habits, customs and needs, able to connect the different subjectivities. In order to give practical effect to these claims, Saint-Just inscribed the ontological force of social conflicts in a dynamics of transformation, where the equality of rights is the central node in the revolutionary becoming of the people, and virtue is seen as fidelity towards the revolutionary event itself.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2017-07-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5208
10.6093/2279-7629/5208
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 6 No 2 (2016); 19-30
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 6 N. 2 (2016); 19-30
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5208/5828
Copyright (c) 2017 Vincenzo Di Mino
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/5209
2017-09-23T10:26:00Z
politics:ART
Dalla fondazione alla crisi della democrazia. Rousseau e Le origini della Francia contemporanea di Taine
Marchili, Andrea
The Origins of Contemporary France by H. Taine represents a diagnosis of the crisis that lasts from 1789 until the Commune in 1871. Taine identifies the affirmation of the democratic principle as the cause of the chronic state of the French malady. In this analysis, Rousseau and the Enlightenment become paramount, transforming modern contractualism and its rationalistic themes into a revolutionary ideology. Hence, the focus of Taine’s argument is the relationship between reason and crisis. In this reflection on the philosophical-political modelsthat have generated the democratic discourse, and on the epistemological paradigm shift between the XVIII and XIX centuries, the end-of-century positivism and liberalism emerge as using an anti-democratic stance against the Enlightenment, moving away from their progressive traits that derive from the Enlightenment. Every bond that links rationality, subject and social processes disappear, and the natural brutality of the crowd, whose physiological state is in fact pathological, persists. Rousseau’s critique is therefore a consequence of an age when society does not seem to be able to resolve its endless conflicts.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2017-07-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5209
10.6093/2279-7629/5209
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 6 No 2 (2016); 31-44
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 6 N. 2 (2016); 31-44
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5209/5829
Copyright (c) 2017 Andrea Marchili
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/5210
2017-09-23T10:26:01Z
politics:ART
Seeing like a pariah? Note sulla (ri)appropriazione contemporanea del pensiero politico di Hannah Arendt
Furia, Annalisa
It seems that there will be no end to the interpretation and discussion of Arendt’s political thought as well as of her intellectual stance and legacy. More strikingly, it seems that her diagnoses continue to be precious for dealing with the contemporary crisis of the modern project and categories. While new scholarship, together with new editions and translations of her writings, continue to appear regularly providing new insights into her intellectual constellations, one of the reasons of the persistent relevance of Arendt’s thought seems to be found in her present-focused and intensely realistic and critical style of thinking. In this light, this paper argues that crucial for understanding her thought’s continuing relevance is the role, value and responsibility she assigns to the figure of the conscious pariah (as she proudly was) and thus to the ‘resistant’ point of view the pariah expresses and offers against the totalizing and conformist view of the politics of exclusion.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2017-07-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5210
10.6093/2279-7629/5210
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 6 No 2 (2016); 45-60
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 6 N. 2 (2016); 45-60
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5210/5830
Copyright (c) 2017 Annalisa Furia
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/5211
2017-09-23T10:26:02Z
politics:ART
Individui, masse e poteri, oggi
Mazzone, Leonard
The article reviews the main aspects of the research led by Elias Canetti in Crowds and Power. By analyzing the meanings of the images of his life’s work” [Lebenswerk], the article tries to demonstrate the relevance of its categories for a critical diagnosis of the present. Beyond “grabbing the twentieth century by the throat” by showing the hunting dynamics between individuals, crowds and power, the categories introduced by Canetti in his most important bookcan be updated in order to understand the predatory relations among humans incontemporary societies. For this reason, the last part of the article will be focused on the main transformations that have occurred in the collective and individual processes of domestication in contemporary societies: the final paragraph analyzes the latest developments of the baiting and double crowds of war in western democracies together with the spreading of the “secretstrategy of commands” inside and outside contemporary workplaces. Finally, the article will examine the possibility of social transformation embodied in today’s flight and prohibition crowds.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2017-07-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5211
10.6093/2279-7629/5211
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 6 No 2 (2016); 61-74
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 6 N. 2 (2016); 61-74
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5211/5831
Copyright (c) 2017 Leonard Mazzone
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
oai:serena.unina.it:article/5212
2017-09-23T10:26:03Z
politics:ART
«L’adattamento della razza umana ad un nuovo modo di esistenza». Note su The Good Society di Walter Lippmann
Simoncini, Alessandro
During the Colloque Lippmann (1938), Louis Rougier considered The Good Society by Walter Lippmann as the book through which to rethink the theoretical foundation of the liberal doctrine. This paper aims to show the elitist conception of the people’sgovernment and the idea of the regulation of lives through the principle ofcompetition, both contained in the above-mentioned book. This kind of research isparticularly useful to broaden the genealogy of contemporary neoliberalism.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2017-07-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5212
10.6093/2279-7629/5212
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 6 No 2 (2016); 75-92
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 6 N. 2 (2016); 75-92
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5212/5832
Copyright (c) 2017 Alessandro Simoncini
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/5213
2017-09-23T10:26:05Z
politics:ART
Il sentimento come categoria politica: una lettura critica della teoria dell’agire comunicativo di J. Habermas
De Vita, Valentina Dafne
The paper analyses Habermas’ concept of dramatic action (dramaturgisches Handeln) and its political meaning. In Theory of Communicative Actions Habermas supposes dramatic actions are not communicative, first of all because in this case the artist or the actor would not say the truth about his subjective world and for this reason, these actions are closer to strategic actions; secondly because sentimental communication is not as rational as dialogue and discourse.This paper aims to demonstrate that dramatic actions could be communicative and improve Intersubjectivity, unlike what Habermas maintains with reference to Arendt’s communicative concept of Power and to Lyotard’s connection to Sentiment and Silence. Trying to develop a definition of sentiments in politics beyond populism, the paper aims to introduce another description of communicative actions in order to acknowledge Sentiments as an importantelement for democracy, because these actions can encourage tolerance and respect for diversity.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2017-07-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5213
10.6093/2279-7629/5213
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 6 No 2 (2016); 93-106
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 6 N. 2 (2016); 93-106
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5213/5833
Copyright (c) 2017 Valentina Dafne De Vita
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oai:serena.unina.it:article/5214
2017-09-23T10:26:06Z
politics:ART
Pensare la laicità nell’età ‘postsecolare’
Biano, Ilaria
The aim of this essay is to examine the connection between contemporary debates on political secularism and institutional arrangements between State and religions on one hand, and, on the other, on secularization theory and its latest ‘rebirth’: postsecularism. Analysing the link between the theories and concept of postsecular society and the debate on political secularism and its institutional forms and practices allows to understand the multidimensionality of the latter in its very latest theorisations and realizations.
FedOA - Federico II University Press
2017-07-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5214
10.6093/2279-7629/5214
Politics. Journal of Political Studies; Vol 6 No 2 (2016); 107-122
Politics. Rivista di Studi Politici; V. 6 N. 2 (2016); 107-122
2279-7629
ita
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/politics/article/view/5214/5834
Copyright (c) 2017 Ilaria Biano
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